1.3.4.4 Prepositions
The last thematic category we will consider is prepositions. The pattern with nouns in being [–V] and with verbs in being [–N] and therefore do not share any feature with adjectives, apart from [–F] as they are both thematic.
Morphologically there is very little to say about this category as they tend to be morphologically simple and do not have inflectional forms. However, this is a property that we may use to identify an instance of the category: they are the category that do not have plural, tensed, comparative or superlative forms:
(127) | with | *withs | *withed | *wither | *withest | |
by | *bys | *byed | *byer | *byest | ||
to | *tos | *toed | *toer | *toest |
There are a small number of exceptions to these observations. For example inner might be claimed to be a comparative form of in, ins is a possible plural (as in ins and outs) and toing is a progressive based on the preposition to (as in toing and froing). But it is obvious that in such cases the stem is not used as a preposition, but as a member of the appropriate category: in in ins is a noun, not a preposition.
In terms of the subcategorisation of prepositions, they can appear with most types of complements, including nominal ones:
(128) | a | it disappeared under the bridge |
b | it came from under the bridge | |
c | he went out |
In (128a) the preposition under takes a nominal complement, demonstrating its [–N] property, in (128b) from takes a prepositional complement and in (128c) out has no complement and hence is used ‘intransitively’.
The one complement that prepositions fail to have is clausal. While verbs, nouns and adjectives can all take clausal complements beginning with the word that, it seems that this is not possible for prepositions:
(129) | a | we said [that we didn’t see the sign] |
b | our knowledge [that we were right] | |
c | we were anxious [that you should be told] | |
d | *we spoke about [that you left] |
It is quite mysterious why this should be, especially given the fact that all other categories seem to have no trouble in taking such complements. It is even more mysterious when we notice that prepositions can take certain clausal complements:
(130) | a | I thought about [whether I should leave a note] |
b | I haven’t seen him since [we had the argument] |
In (130a) the clause is interrogative, functioning as a question, and it seems that interrogative clauses can be the complements of certain prepositions. (130b) is even more puzzling as here we have a preposition with a clausal complement without a that. Typically this word is either optional or obligatory with clausal complements:
(131) | a | Theodore thinks [(that) Linda left] |
b | my observation [*(that) he had a missing shoe] | |
c | I was certain [(that) no one knew about the body under the bed] |
It is possible that, given the complementary distribution between words like that and since, they are of the same category and hence since is not used as a preposition in (130b). Indeed, we will see, words like that, being complementisers, are analysed as ‘functional prepositions’, given their feature specification [+F, –N, –V]. However, we will not pursue the issue here.
The following are some examples of the lexical entries of prepositions:
(132) | with | category: | [–F, –N, –V] | ||
Θ-grid: | <(theme) | (location)> | |||
subcat: | [nominal] | ||||
from | category: | [–F, –N, –V] | |||
Θ-grid: | <(theme) | (location)> | |||
subcat: | [nominal/prepositional] |