5.2.5 Intransitive verbs
Intransitive verbs are verbs with one argument, but unlike unaccusatives this argument is either an agent or an experiencer, i.e. one of the Θ-roles assigned to the specifier of a light verb. Accordingly then, we may analyse them as involving the following structure:
(99) |
The one argument will move to the subject position in order to get Case and presumably the verb will move to support the light verb.
Examples of intransitives are as follows:
(100) | a | Sam smiled |
b | Jerry danced | |
c | Richard died | |
d | Stan slept |
Recall that one mark of an intransitive verb, as opposed to an unaccusative, is its ability to take a cognate object:
(101) | a | Sam smiled an evil smile |
b | Jerry danced a merry dance | |
c | Richard died a tragic death | |
d | Stan slept a restless sleep |
Given the structure in (101) a number of possible analyses of cognate objects suggest themselves. One is to assume that these are like theme arguments, though obviously highly restricted by the thematic verb and hence they appear in the specifier of the VP and end up behind the verb when it raises to the light verb position:
(102) |
From this perspective, the only difference between a cognate object and a normal object is the restricted semantic relationship that holds between the cognate object and the intransitive verb. Another possible analysis suggests itself through the similarity between intransitive verbs with cognate objects and light verbs with deverbal noun complements:
(103) | a | he smiled a smile | = | he smiled |
b | he took a peep | = | he peeped |
Perhaps then what a cognate object is, is not a virtually meaningless repetition of the verb as is standardly assumed, but the main predicative element in the sentence and it is the verb which has a reduced ‘light’ meaning. This analysis has possibilities, but we will not follow it up further.
If we analyse intransitives as involving a light verb, the question arises as to why we cannot passivise an intransitive:
(104) | a | *it was smiled by Sam |
b | *it was died by Richard |
This is quite mysterious given our previous analysis of the passive. However, it should be noted that the inability to passivise intransitives is a language particular fact and not a universal truth about intransitives. German intransitive verbs, for example, can passivise:
(104) | Es wurde getanzt | |
it was danced | ||
‘there was dancing’ |
This at least shows that in principle passivisation is not incompatible with intransitives and that the reason why intransitives cannot passivise in English must therefore be due to some other particular property of the language. Note that unaccusatives do not passivise in any language:
(106) | *it was arrived (by the letter) | |
(107) | a | In de zomer wordt er hier vaak gezwommen. |
In the summer is it here frequently swum | ||
‘In the summer, there is frequently swimming here’ | ||
b | *In de zomer wordt er hier vaak verdronken. | |
In the summer is it here frequently drowned | ||
‘In the summer, there is frequently drowning here’ |
This is to be expected given our analysis of the passive and the fact that unaccusatives do not involve light verbs.
The event structure of intransitives is also a little problematic as we predict it to be complex if intransitives involve light verbs, but a sentence like Sam smiled does not obviously express a complex event structure. However, it is not impossible to think of this as involving a situation in which Sam does something which results in a smile, which is made more plausible by comparison with the overt light verb construction:
(108) | a | Sam smiled |
b | Sam did a smile |
If intransitives are in fact formed from an underlying structure involving a ‘cognate object’ and a light verb as suggested above, then the parallel between (108a) and (b) is even stronger. We might therefore propose the following analysis of the event structure:
(109) | e = e1 → e2 | : e1 = ‘Sam did something’ | |
e2 = ‘there was a smile’ |
In all then the analysis of intransitives is relatively unproblematic.