5.4.1 Adverbs
Adverbs are the classic verbal modifiers. We should be careful, however, to distinguish between them, as some do not modify within the verbal domain of the clause, but have a wider domain of operation, modifying clausal elements. Roughly we can separate VP adverbs from sentential adverbs. Consider the following examples:
(168) | a | he certainly will find out |
b | he will quickly find out |
The adverb in (168a) modifies the meaning of the whole clause: what is certain is that he will find out. In contrast, the adverb in (168b) modifies the verb, stating that it will be done in a certain manner (i.e. quickly). Note the different positions of these two adverbs: the sentential adverb precedes the modal auxiliary while the VP adverb follows it and is therefore closer to the VP. Indeed, placing the VP adverb further from the VP often produces an ungrammaticality:
(169) | a | *he quickly will find out |
b | *she suddenly has realised her mistake | |
c | *the doctor thoroughly may examine the patient |
These sentences can be made more acceptable if heavy stress is placed on the finite element, but with neutral stress they are ungrammatical, indicating that something special has to happen to get the adverb away from the VP it modifies.
It seems a reasonable conclusion therefore that VP adverbs are adjoined to the VP itself. But the VP is a fairly complex structure, as we have seen. Where in the VP can the adverb adjoin? Consider the possible range of positions we can find the adverb in:
(170) | a | will accurately have been making notes |
b | will have accurately been making notes | |
c | will have been accurately making notes | |
d | *will have been making accurately notes | |
e | will have been making notes accurately |
There looks to be a good deal of freedom in determining the position of the adverb and thus it appears to be able to adjoin to virtually any part of the VP. The one exception is that the adverb may not intervene between the verb and its object. However, the adjacency requirement between the verb and its object is not so straightforward to account for under the assumptions we have been making. Other accounts of this restriction have made different assumptions. For example, Radford (1988) assumes that the object is in the complement position of the verb and that the adjacency requirement between the two is a reflex of X-bar theory itself: the head must be adjacent to its complement otherwise an ill formed structure results:
(171) |
If an adjunct is placed between the head and its sister, i.e. the complement, the branches of the structure cross and this is not a possible configuration. The problem with this account, however, besides its reliance on the assumption that complements are all sisters to the head, is that it is not at all clear why various movement phenomena would not separate the head from its complement. Another account, due to Stowell (1981) assumes that the verb is responsible for assigning Case to the object and that there is an adjacency requirement on Case assigners and assignees. As we have assumed that the theme gets its Case from the light verb, we cannot use Case adjacency to account for why the verb and its theme argument cannot be separated. Even if we assume that Case assigners must be adjacent to the element they Case mark, this will not prevent the verb moving to a higher light verb position allowing an adverb to come between the two:
(172) |
This structure has the adverb phrase adjoined to the lower vP and the verb moving to the higher light verb. Such a structure would be possible either when there is both an agent and an experiencer argument, or if the top light verb is an aspectual morpheme. The structure that would be produced however would be ungrammatical as the adverb would appear between the verb and its theme argument.
We might try to account for this restriction by limiting the kinds of structure that the adverb can adjoin to. But this seems unlikely as under certain conditions adverbs appear to be able to adjoin to virtually any part of the VP:
(173) | a | the letter1 might [VP eventually [VP t1 arrive]] |
b | Peter2 might [vP suddenly [vP t2 punch1-v [VP Paul t1]]] | |
c | water2 is [vP steadily [vP pour1-ing [VP t2 t1 out of the bath]]] | |
d | Betty2 has [vP annoyingly [vP beat1-en [vP t2 t1 [VP me t1 again]]]] |
In (173a), given that there is no light verb with an unaccusative verb, the adverb must be adjoined to the VP. In (173b) the adverb is adjoined to a vP headed by an agentive light verb and in (173c) and (d) it is adjoined to a vP headed by aspectual morphemes. Thus there seems to be no limit in principle on what the adverb can adjoin to. In each of these cases however, the adverb is adjoined to a higher position than the verb moves to. When there is no light verb, as in (173a), the verb is not forced to move out of the VP and in this case the adverb can adjoin to the VP. If the verb moves out of the VP, however, the adverb cannot adjoin to it. Indeed, anything that the verb moves out of is out of bounds for an adjunction site for the adverb. This suggests that the adverb interacts with the movement of the verb and it is this interaction that determines the possible adjunction sites for the adverb. Specifically, it seems that the verb never moves over the top of the adverb. Hence, we may assume that in principle an adverb can adjoin to any part of the extended VP, including any light verb projection, as long as the verb remains lower than it at S-structure and does not move over its adjunction position. There are a number of ways in which we might attempt to account for this fact, but at present we will be satisfied at leaving it as a descriptive generalisation.
Another observation that can be made from the data in (170) is that adverbs may appear behind all verbal elements. There are a number of possible ways to capture this fact. One is to assume that adjunction is free from ordering restrictions. Indeed it does seem that different adjuncts can come on different sides of whatever they modify: the PP modifier, as we shall see, typically follows the verbal complex. Thus, adjunction in general is not restricted to a particular side as are complements and specifiers. Adverbs therefore may simply take advantage of this freedom and be adjoined either to the left or the right of the VP. The alternative would be to have adverbs generated on one side of the VP and then achieve the other position via a movement. Jackendoff (1977), for example, argued for this position on the basis of the similarity between adverbs and adjectives. Recall that in chapter 1 we analysed adverbs and adjectives as belonging to the same general category, so one might expect grammatical principles to apply to both in a similar way. Jackendoff’s observation was that adjectives typically precede the nouns that they modify:
(174) | a | stupid fool | *fool stupid |
b | heavy book | *book heavy | |
c | precocious child | *child precocious |
If we assume therefore that the basic position of the adjective is before the noun that it modifies, we might take this to indicate that the basic position of the adverb is before the verb that it modifies and therefore that its post-verbal position is a derived one. We are not really in much of a position to be able to evaluate either of these positions and therefore we will leave the matter unresolved.