3.1.3 Heads and Complements
But if the structural rules of the grammar are themselves so general as to not make reference to categories how do categorial features come to be in structures? One would have thought that if all the grammar is constructed from are rules that tell us how phrases are shaped in general, then there should only be one kind of phrase: an XP.
To see how categorial information gets into structure we must look more closely at heads and the notion of projection. We have seen how heads project their properties to the X' and thence to XP, the question we must ask therefore is where do heads get their properties from? The main point to realise is that the head is a word position and words are inserted into head positions from the lexicon. In chapter 1 we spent quite some time reviewing the lexical properties of words, including their categorial properties. These, we concluded, are specified for every lexical item in terms of categorial features ([±F, ±N, ±V]). If we now propose that a head’s categorial features are projected from the lexical element that occupies the head position we can see that phrases of different categories are the result of different lexical elements being inserted into head positions.
One way to envisage this is to think of X-bar rules as building a general X-bar structure devoid of categorial properties. So we might start with the following:
(18) |
We then populate this structure by inserting words into it from the lexicon and these bring along with them their categorial features. Suppose we insert the verb fall into the head position, as this is categorised [–F, –N, +V] (i.e. verb) these will project to the head position:
(19) |
These features then project to the X':
(20) |
And finally they end up on the maximal projection:
(21) |
In this way we can see that categorial features are actually projected into structures from the lexicon. This makes a lot of sense given that categorial properties are to a large extent idiosyncratic to the words involved in an expression and are not easily predicted without knowing what words a sentence is constructed from. Things which are predictable, such as that all phrases have heads which may be flanked by a specifier to its left and a complement to its right, are what are expressed by the X-bar rules. Thus we have a major split between idiosyncratic properties, which rightly belong in the lexicon, and general and predictable properties which rightly belong in the grammar.
The structure in (21) is still incomplete however and we must now consider how to complete it. Let us concentrate firstly on the complement position. At the moment this is expressed by the general phrase symbol YP. This tells us that only a phrasal element can sit here, but it does not tell us what category that phrase must be. Yet, it is clear that we cannot insert a complement of just any category into this position:
(22) | a | fell [PP off the shelf] |
b | *fell [DP the cliff] | |
c | *fell [VP jumped over the cliff] |
This restriction clearly does not come from the X-bar rules as these state that complements can be of any category, which in general is absolutely true. But in specific cases, there must be specific complements. Again it is properties of heads which determine this. Recall that part of the lexical entry for a word concerns its subcategorisation. The subcategorisation frame of a lexical element tells us what kind of complement there can be. For fall, for instance, it is specified that the complement is prepositional:
(23) | fall | category: | [–F, –N +V] | ||
Θ-grid: | <theme, | path> | |||
subcat: | prepositional |
Thus through the notion of subcategorisation, the head imposes restrictions on the complement position, allowing only elements of a certain category to occupy this position:
(24) |
As we know that the complement must be prepositional, we also know by the general principles of X-bar theory that only a preposition could be inserted into the head position of this phrase and the lexical properties of this head will, in turn, impose restrictions on what can appear in its complement position:
(25) |
In this structure, off is inserted into the head position of the PP complement of the verb and as this preposition selects for a DP complement (as most of them do), only a determiner could be inserted into the head position of this phrase. The determiner would then impose restrictions on its complement, ensuring this to be an NP and hence only a noun could be inserted into the head of the determiner’s complement. Obviously, this could continue indefinitely, but in this case the process stops at this point as the noun subcategorises for no complement.