5.3.1 The auxiliary as a dummy

Given the similarity between the passive construction and those constructions involving aspectual elements, it seems likely that they should receive a similar analysis. From this perspective, it is the aspectual morpheme that carries the semantic content and the associated auxiliary is merely a dummy inserted to bear another morpheme that the verb is prevented from bearing by the aspectual morpheme itself.

5.3.2 The nature of the aspectual morpheme

5.4.1 Adverbs

This structure has the adverb phrase adjoined to the lower vP and the verb moving to the higher light verb. Such a structure would be possible either when there is both an agent and an experiencer argument, or if the top light verb is an aspectual morpheme. The structure that would be produced however would be ungrammatical as the adverb would appear between the verb and its theme argument.

5.4.1 Adverbs

In (173a), given that there is no light verb with an unaccusative verb, the adverb must be adjoined to the VP. In (173b) the adverb is adjoined to a vP headed by an agentive light verb and in (173c) and (d) it is adjoined to a vP headed by aspectual morphemes. Thus there seems to be no limit in principle on what the adverb can adjoin to. In each of these cases however, the adverb is adjoined to a higher position than the verb moves to. When there is no light verb, as in (173a), the verb is not forced to move out of the VP and in this case the adverb can adjoin to the VP. If the verb moves out of the VP, however, the adverb cannot adjoin to it. Indeed, anything that the verb moves out of is out of bounds for an adjunction site for the adverb. This suggests that the adverb interacts with the movement of the verb and it is this interaction that determines the possible adjunction sites for the adverb. Specifically, it seems that the verb never moves over the top of the adverb. Hence, we may assume that in principle an adverb can adjoin to any part of the extended VP, including any light verb projection, as long as the verb remains lower than it at S-structure and does not move over its adjunction position. There are a number of ways in which we might attempt to account for this fact, but at present we will be satisfied at leaving it as a descriptive generalisation.

Chapter6 Inflectional Phrases

In the previous chapter we detailed the structure of the central part of the clause, the VP and its extensions into light verb and aspectual morpheme structures. In this chapter we will look at the further extension of the structure so far built into what we can conceive of as ‘clause structure’, though as we shall see, what is traditionally thought of as a clause is actually a number of hierarchically organised extensions of the basic VP, each of which adds a specific level of semantic and grammatical interpretation. In connection with these extra levels we will see there are specific syntactic phenomena, most of which involves the movement of elements.

6.2.1 Inserting auxiliaries into I

In both of these examples, the verb moves from the V position to support the aspectual morphemes. As a consequence of English stems being unable to support more than one overt morpheme, the verb cannot move further. As the inflection is a bound morpheme it needs supporting and in this case the auxiliaries are inserted directly into the inflectional slot. Note that which auxiliary is used depends on the aspectual element heading the vP complement of the inflectional element. A perfective aspectual morpheme determines the supporting auxiliary to be have while the progressive morpheme determines the supporting auxiliary to be be. With a slightly more complex example, we see that this is a very general process:

6.2.1 Inserting auxiliaries into I

In both of these examples, the verb moves from the V position to support the aspectual morphemes. As a consequence of English stems being unable to support more than one overt morpheme, the verb cannot move further. As the inflection is a bound morpheme it needs supporting and in this case the auxiliaries are inserted directly into the inflectional slot. Note that which auxiliary is used depends on the aspectual element heading the vP complement of the inflectional element. A perfective aspectual morpheme determines the supporting auxiliary to be have while the progressive morpheme determines the supporting auxiliary to be be. With a slightly more complex example, we see that this is a very general process:

6.2.1 Inserting auxiliaries into I

In this case there are two aspectual morphemes as well as the inflection to be supported. The verb moves to the lowest one and cannot move further. Therefore two auxiliaries are inserted: be, determined by the progressive, is inserted onto the perfective morpheme which takes the phrase headed by ing as its complement, and have, determined by the perfective, is inserted onto the tense morpheme (in this case null) which takes the phrase headed by the perfective morpheme as its complement.

6.2.2 Do-insertion

The use of have and be as supporting auxiliaries is therefore associated with the appearance of the aspectual morphemes whose presence necessitates the use of the auxiliary by ‘tying-up’ the verb so that it cannot support any other morpheme. The use of the dummy auxiliary do however, is a little different as it is not associated with the appearance of any aspectual morpheme and indeed cannot be used in the presence of one:

6.2.2 Do-insertion

Accepting this, we can account for the insertion of dummy do. The verb will not be able to move to inflection without violating the HMC. Apparently in English, the negative is not the sort of verbal element that can support tense and hence the only option available is to insert an auxiliary. As there is no aspectual morpheme to deem otherwise, the inserted auxiliary will be do:

6.2.3 Tense and Agreement

From what has been said so far, we would expect that when there is no aspectual morpheme to be supported and no negation, there will be no need to insert an auxiliary as the main verb can move to support the inflection. Indeed this seems to be true as there is no inserted auxiliary in such cases and the tense morpheme appears on the verb:

6.2.3 Tense and Agreement

There is a problem however with the assumption that it is the verb that undergoes the movement in this case. This can be seen clearly when there is a VP adjunct. In the previous chapter, we argued that VP adverbs are adjoined to a v/VP higher than the position to which the verb moves. However, in the absence of any aspectual morphemes, it seems that the inflection appears on the verb inside the v/VP:

6.2.3 Tense and Agreement

Before trying to solve these puzzles, one more mystery should be introduced. Our assumptions have been that auxiliaries are inserted into a structure to support bound morphemes when the verb is unable for one reason or another to do so. Obviously a free morpheme does not need supporting either by the verb or an auxiliary. This would predict that when the inflection appears as a free morpheme, i.e. a tense or the infinitival marker, there will be no need for an inserted auxiliary to accompany an aspectual morpheme. But this prediction seems to be false:

Chapter7 Complementiser Phrases

In this chapter we continue to present the parts of the English clause, extending it further upwards. So far we have seen that the clause has a number of layers to it, relating to certain syntactic and semantic properties. The lower layer consists of the thematic part of the VP, including the Θ-assigning light verbs, which concern argument and event structure. Above this we have the non-thematic part of the verb phrase where the morphemes of aspect and tense are introduced. Finally above this we have the IP in which agreement and modal auxiliaries are situated. The IP also provides the surface Case position for the grammatical subject.

8.2.1 Raising

The verb will move from its original position to support some inflection, depending on what is present. If there are aspectual morphemes, the lowest will be supported by the verb, if not the verb will move to either the (null) tense, if there is a modal, or all the way to the I position if there is a bound agreement morpheme as well:

8.3 The Gerund

The gerund from one perspective is a kind of non-finite clause inasmuch as it expresses something which is typically related to clauses, i.e. a proposition, and can contain elements such as aspectual morphemes which are related to some portion of the clause while excluding elements of finiteness such as tense and agreement (including modals). From another perspective the gerund is a nominal form and many of its properties are those of standard DPs. Thus, it is something which oscillates between clause and DP status.

8.3 The Gerund

One last point will be made. The assumption that the nominalising ing can be added to a verbal structure at various points accounts for the fact that gerunds can contain aspectual material as well as verbs. We have argued that aspectual morphemes are light verbs, heading vPs. As the ing head can take a vP complement, it is predicted that aspectual morphemes can be included in gerunds. To some extent this seems to be true:

8.3 The Gerund

The analysis of (96a) and (b) are fairly straightforward. In both cases the nominalising ing is inserted above the relevant aspectual morpheme, taking the vP that it heads as a complement. The verb will move to support the lower morpheme, i.e. the aspectual which will leave ing unsupported. As it is a bound morpheme this will trigger the insertion of an auxiliary to bind it. The choice of the auxiliary will, as usual, be determined by the lower aspectual morpheme:

8.3 The Gerund

The analysis of (96a) and (b) are fairly straightforward. In both cases the nominalising ing is inserted above the relevant aspectual morpheme, taking the vP that it heads as a complement. The verb will move to support the lower morpheme, i.e. the aspectual which will leave ing unsupported. As it is a bound morpheme this will trigger the insertion of an auxiliary to bind it. The choice of the auxiliary will, as usual, be determined by the lower aspectual morpheme:

8.3 The Gerund

96c) is a mystery that has been noted for some time: why other aspectual and mood morphemes can appear in the gerund but not the continuous one is something that very few approaches can predict. Some have suggested that that the problem is phonological: having two ing forms one following the other for some reason is a problematic sequence. Others disagree and say that the restriction is semantically based. I have nothing to contribute to the discussion and remain as puzzled as ever.